North Korea May Send Workers To Russian Occupied Eastern Ukraine

The idea is openly supported by senior Russian officials and diplomats, who envision a cheap and hard-working workforce that could be thrown into “the most arduous conditions,” a term used by Russia’s ambassador to North Korea in a recent interview. North Korea’s ambassador to Moscow recently met with envoys from two Russian-backed separatist territories in Ukraine’s Donbass region and expressed optimism for cooperation in the “labor migration sector,” citing the easing of his country’s pandemic border controls. The talks came after North Korea in July became the only nation besides Russia and Syria to recognize the independence of the territories, Donetsk and Luhansk, further aligning themselves with Russia over the conflict in Ukraine. Employing North Korean workers in the Donbass would clearly run afoul of UN Security Council sanctions imposed on the North over its nuclear and missile programs and would further complicate US-led international pressure for its nuclear disarmament. Many experts doubt North Korea will send workers as long as the war remains in flux, with a steady flow of Western weapons helping Ukraine push back the much larger Russian forces. But they say it is highly likely that North Korea will supply labor to Donbas when fighting eases to boost its own economy, battered by years of US-led sanctions, pandemic border closures and decades of mismanagement. The labor exports will also contribute to a long-term North Korean strategy to strengthen cooperation with Russia and China, another ideological ally, in an emerging partnership aimed at reducing US influence in Asia. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Marat Khusnullin said North Korean construction companies have already offered to help rebuild war-torn areas in the Donbass and that North Korean workers would be welcome if they came. This is a clear break from Russia’s position in December 2017, when it supported new UN Security Council sanctions imposed on North Korea for an intercontinental ballistic missile test, requiring member states to expel all North Korean workers from the territories them within 24 months. Russia now appears willing to ease those sanctions as it faces a U.S.-led pressure campaign aimed at isolating its economy over its aggression in Ukraine, said Lim Soo-ho, a senior analyst at the Institute for National Security Strategy. a think tank run by South Korea’s spy agency. “For Russia, the idea of ​​recruiting North Korean workers for post-war reconstruction has real value,” Lim said. “Large numbers of North Korean construction workers have come to Russia in previous years, and demand for their labor has been strong because they are cheap and known for their quality work.” Before the 2017 sanctions, labor exports were a rare legitimate source of foreign exchange for North Korea, bringing in hundreds of millions of dollars a year for the government. The US State Department previously estimated that about 100,000 North Koreans worked abroad in government-regulated jobs, mostly in Russia and China, but also in Africa, the Middle East, Europe and South Asia. Political experts say the workers earned $200 million to $500 million a year for the North Korean government while pocketing only a fraction of their wages, often toiling for more than 12 hours a day under constant surveillance by their country’s security agents. While Russia repatriated some North Korean workers ahead of a December 2019 UN deadline, an uncertain number remained, continuing to work or stranded after the North sealed its borders to fend off COVID-19. North Korea could easily mobilize possibly several hundred or even thousands of workers to Donbas if it decides to use the workers who remained in Russia, said Kang Dong Wan, a North Korea expert at South Korea’s Dong-A University. It is not yet clear how profitable Donbas would be for North Korea. Cash-strapped Russia has been hit by Western sanctions targeting its financial institutions and a wide range of industries. North Korea is likely not interested in being paid in rubles because of concerns about the currency’s purchasing power, which bottomed out in the early days of the war before Moscow took steps to artificially restore its value. North Korea may be willing to be compensated with food, fuel and machinery, an exchange that would likely also violate Security Council sanctions, Lim said. Hong Min, a senior analyst at South Korea’s Institute for National Unification, said North Korea could have bigger things on its mind than short-term gains from labor exports. “The United States’ strategic competition with China and confrontation with Russia have given North Korea breathing room as it rises to unite Moscow and Beijing in a united front to counter US influence and promote a multipolar international system,” Hong said. North Korea has already used the war in Ukraine to accelerate its weapons development, taking advantage of divisions in the Security Council, where Russia and China in May vetoed a U.S.-backed resolution to tougher sanctions on North Korea over of reviving ICBM testing this year. North Korea and Russia are also closely watching key policies. North Korea has repeatedly blamed the United States for the crisis in Ukraine, saying the West’s “hegemonic policy” justifies Russia’s military actions in Ukraine to protect itself. Russia, meanwhile, has repeatedly condemned the revival of large-scale military exercises between the US and South Korea this year, accusing the allies of provoking North Korea and exacerbating tensions. Alexander Matsegora, Russia’s ambassador to North Korea, supported its dubious claim that the COVID-19 outbreak was caused by South Korean activists who dropped anti-North Korean leaflets and other material across the border in balloons. Nam Sung-wook, a professor at South Korea’s Korea University’s unification and diplomacy department, is one of the few experts who sees labor exports starting soon. Desperate to address its economic woes, North Korea may send small groups of workers to the Donbass on “reconnaissance missions” in the coming months and gradually increase the numbers depending on how the war develops, he said. “Interests are aligned between Pyongyang and Moscow,” Nam said. “A hundred or 200 workers could eventually become 10,000.”

title: “North Korea May Send Workers To Russian Occupied Eastern Ukraine Klmat” ShowToc: true date: “2022-12-16” author: “Mark Johnson”

The idea is openly supported by senior Russian officials and diplomats, who envision a cheap and hard-working workforce that could be thrown into “the most arduous conditions,” a term used by Russia’s ambassador to North Korea in a recent interview. North Korea’s ambassador to Moscow recently met with envoys from two Russian-backed separatist territories in Ukraine’s Donbass region and expressed optimism for cooperation in the “labor migration sector,” citing the easing of his country’s pandemic border controls. The talks came after North Korea in July became the only nation besides Russia and Syria to recognize the independence of the territories, Donetsk and Luhansk, further aligning themselves with Russia over the conflict in Ukraine. Employing North Korean workers in the Donbass would clearly run afoul of UN Security Council sanctions imposed on the North over its nuclear and missile programs and would further complicate US-led international pressure for its nuclear disarmament. Many experts doubt North Korea will send workers as long as the war remains in flux, with a steady flow of Western weapons helping Ukraine push back the much larger Russian forces. But they say it is highly likely that North Korea will supply labor to Donbas when fighting eases to boost its own economy, battered by years of US-led sanctions, pandemic border closures and decades of mismanagement. The labor exports will also contribute to a long-term North Korean strategy to strengthen cooperation with Russia and China, another ideological ally, in an emerging partnership aimed at reducing US influence in Asia. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Marat Khusnullin said North Korean construction companies have already offered to help rebuild war-torn areas in the Donbass and that North Korean workers would be welcome if they came. This is a clear break from Russia’s position in December 2017, when it supported new UN Security Council sanctions imposed on North Korea for an intercontinental ballistic missile test, requiring member states to expel all North Korean workers from the territories them within 24 months. Russia now appears willing to ease those sanctions as it faces a U.S.-led pressure campaign aimed at isolating its economy over its aggression in Ukraine, said Lim Soo-ho, a senior analyst at the Institute for National Security Strategy. a think tank run by South Korea’s spy agency. “For Russia, the idea of ​​recruiting North Korean workers for post-war reconstruction has real value,” Lim said. “Large numbers of North Korean construction workers have come to Russia in previous years, and demand for their labor has been strong because they are cheap and known for their quality work.” Before the 2017 sanctions, labor exports were a rare legitimate source of foreign exchange for North Korea, bringing in hundreds of millions of dollars a year for the government. The US State Department previously estimated that about 100,000 North Koreans worked abroad in government-regulated jobs, mostly in Russia and China, but also in Africa, the Middle East, Europe and South Asia. Political experts say the workers earned $200 million to $500 million a year for the North Korean government while pocketing only a fraction of their wages, often toiling for more than 12 hours a day under constant surveillance by their country’s security agents. While Russia repatriated some North Korean workers ahead of a December 2019 UN deadline, an uncertain number remained, continuing to work or stranded after the North sealed its borders to fend off COVID-19. North Korea could easily mobilize possibly several hundred or even thousands of workers to Donbas if it decides to use the workers who remained in Russia, said Kang Dong Wan, a North Korea expert at South Korea’s Dong-A University. It is not yet clear how profitable Donbas would be for North Korea. Cash-strapped Russia has been hit by Western sanctions targeting its financial institutions and a wide range of industries. North Korea is likely not interested in being paid in rubles because of concerns about the currency’s purchasing power, which bottomed out in the early days of the war before Moscow took steps to artificially restore its value. North Korea may be willing to be compensated with food, fuel and machinery, an exchange that would likely also violate Security Council sanctions, Lim said. Hong Min, a senior analyst at South Korea’s Institute for National Unification, said North Korea could have bigger things on its mind than short-term gains from labor exports. “The United States’ strategic competition with China and confrontation with Russia have given North Korea breathing room as it rises to unite Moscow and Beijing in a united front to counter US influence and promote a multipolar international system,” Hong said. North Korea has already used the war in Ukraine to accelerate its weapons development, taking advantage of divisions in the Security Council, where Russia and China in May vetoed a U.S.-backed resolution to tougher sanctions on North Korea over of reviving ICBM testing this year. North Korea and Russia are also closely watching key policies. North Korea has repeatedly blamed the United States for the crisis in Ukraine, saying the West’s “hegemonic policy” justifies Russia’s military actions in Ukraine to protect itself. Russia, meanwhile, has repeatedly condemned the revival of large-scale military exercises between the US and South Korea this year, accusing the allies of provoking North Korea and exacerbating tensions. Alexander Matsegora, Russia’s ambassador to North Korea, supported its dubious claim that the COVID-19 outbreak was caused by South Korean activists who dropped anti-North Korean leaflets and other material across the border in balloons. Nam Sung-wook, a professor at South Korea’s Korea University’s unification and diplomacy department, is one of the few experts who sees labor exports starting soon. Desperate to address its economic woes, North Korea may send small groups of workers to the Donbass on “reconnaissance missions” in the coming months and gradually increase the numbers depending on how the war develops, he said. “Interests are aligned between Pyongyang and Moscow,” Nam said. “A hundred or 200 workers could eventually become 10,000.”